A Malaysian proverb says, "The body pays for a slip of a foot."
In Anwar Ibrahim's case, no one ever saw the foot slip, but everyone saw how the body paid.
Until September of last year, Anwar (first names are last names in Malaysia) was simultaneously Malaysia's most well-known political prisoner, and probably its most well-known politician.
When he arrives at Hopkins' School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) later this year as a Visiting Distinguished Fellow, he will no doubt carry with him some illuminating stories on what it's like to fall so far from so high.
Anwar Ibrahim was born in a village on Penang, an island off the Malaysian coast-a secluded, steamy retreat for his father, a former politician himself.
The nation was emerging from British rule, which ended in 1963, leaving a multicultural mix of ethnic Malays, Chinese and Indians. By the time Anwar was a college student, the government had become centralized in the hands of the indigenous Malays, who went so far as to codify their power in the Constitution.
This went over fine with Anwar, whose political lineage helped in the backrooms of the flashy capital of Kuala Lumpur, but worked out less winningly for the rural farming families in places like Penang. He took his first political steps by championing their cause, forming a student movement to agitate for countryside villagers' rights.
With membership of his popular organization swelling, he threw his support behind the United Malays National Organization, the political party that had ruled Malaysia since independence. An endorsement from Anwar did wonders for the party's candidate, Mahathir bin Mohamad, who went on to become Prime Minister of the country in 1981.
Needless to say, Mahathir rewarded the young upstart who had brought him waves of support from the younger generation. When Anwar became Minister of Finance in 1991 and then Deputy Prime Minister in 1993, politically-savvy Malaysians knew the safe bet for the next Prime Minister was the ambitious, young Anwar.
Under Mathathir, Malaysia experienced a building spree that turned Kuala Lumpur from a crowded former British outpost to a financial capital, complete with modern glassy spires and major highways. Malaysian business soared as Mahathir encouraged moving away from the farms and the fields and concentrated on the manufacture of computers and electronics.
The boom became a bust during the Asian financial crisis in 1997, and Anwar, responsible for the country's economy, cut back on much of the country's investments and refused to spend government money to bail out failing businesses. Needless to say, it made him few friends, and soured his relationship with Mahathir.
In 1998, fresh off being named "Asian of the Year" by Newsweek, Anwar accused President Suharto of Indonesia of embezzling his nation's money and encouraged an investigation into similar practices in Malaysia. Mahathir was livid. On September 2 of that year, Anwar was fired from the Cabinet.
Days later, Anwar's home was raided and he was taken into police custody, appearing nine days later bruised and beaten to plead not guilty to charges of corruption and sodomy in a federal courtroom.
The government paraded him in front of cameras, hoping that the sight of his thin, battered frame would drive home their victory over his supporters. Instead, a photo of a grinning Anwar, his swollen eye turned towards the camera and his hand held high with a sign of victory, became a symbol for the political opposition movement.
It came as little of a shock when April 8, 2000, dawned and found Anwar, who only two years prior had been the nation's most well-liked politician, sentenced to six years in prison on corruption charges and nine years for sodomy.
Kuala Lumpur erupted. People from all across the nation converged in the capital, reveling in a carnival-like atmosphere. With parents and children alike chanting and singing, police stormed the crowd and unleashed the brunt of tear gas and baton charges.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch condemned the trials. United States Vice President Al Gore waded in, calling the case "a show trial" that "mocked international standards of justice."
Even criticism by the second-most powerful leader of the United States barely elicited more than a snicker from Mahathir, who responded to the charges by announcing, "We should fry [Gore]. Al Gore does not love Malaysia nor its people."
It took until 2004 for Anwar's conviction to be overturned, and he was released from prison after five years with extensive back injuries, a ruined name, and a new Prime Minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who was Mahathir's hand-picked successor.
His attempts to return to public life were rebuffed by the courts, who ruled that he faced a five-year ban from Malaysian politics. He won a small victory when the chief inspector of police was sentenced to two months of prison for beating Anwar while he was blindfolded and chained to a bedpost. Yet with the ban on politics in place, Anwar packed up and left. Soon, he will move to Washington, D.C.
"SAIS was one of the first organizations to make an offer to Anwar," said Bridget Welsh, Assistant Professor of Southeast Asia Studies at the school. "We feel very lucky to get him."
While Mr. Anwar will be continuing on to Georgetown in August, he hopes to make his time at Hopkins worthwhile. "His visit comes at a great time," says Professor Welsh. "People have a tendency to overlook the struggle for democracy and the amazing diversity of Southeast Asia. I believe Anwar will help to foster a better understanding."
It's uncertain when Anwar will return to Malaysia. For now, though, he has a safe haven and, most importantly, an audience eager to hear what he has learned.
